is the first and only book focused on that tumultuous time between the campaign and inauguration, a period when over a thousand people, all working from home, helped Joe Biden and Kamala Harris get ready to govern.
Since 2018, Barber had not merely run an interest group but led a broad national movement of hundreds of anti-poverty groups: the new Poor People’s Campaign. Months earlier, when then-candidate Joe Biden spoke at an event Barber had organized, the future president said: “I promised you that we’d not only talk about , but that we’d do something about it together.”
.’” Someone who attended the eventual meeting later said they thought some on the transition team were afraid to say “no” to Barber; that he’d expose them as breaking one of Biden’s promises. Barber needed thirty invites and, luckily for the transition team, the meeting would be held virtually, so a bigger conference room need not be booked.
It was the backgrounds of the other attendees, and what they shared, at the ninety-minute meeting — twice the length the team originally allotted — that were so different. “What we do is we put people in the room, we believe in the agency of poor and low wealth people,” said Barber. So, Zillah Wesley from Washington, D.C. talked about her challenges dealing with the coronavirus while she managed other health problems.
We come out of a tradition where in 1964 Lyndon Baines Johnson who got elected was a segregationist, but the movement turned him into a civil rights President. Attention shifted to the General Services Administration , an integral but historically uncontroversial player in the transition. Starting after the party conventions, the GSA has the statutory responsibility to help prepare all eligible candidates to be ready to govern, should they win. GSA staff had been doing just this since the summer with representatives for both Biden and Trump.
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